The North Borneo Beauty

by Anthony Reid

Language and Identity

At the end of 1995 the Malaysian Government agreed that a fifth language could be taught in its schools, after Malay, Chinese and Tamil (long conceded to the three major communities in West Malaysia), and Iban (the largest of the Dayak languages of Sarawak, conceded only recently). This language was called Kadazandusun, the latest mouthful to try to gain consensus among the indigenous peoples of Sabah (the northern comer of Borneo). At the last (1991) census those who spoke this language, or group of related dialects, were registered as two peoples, “Kadazan” (104,924) and “Dusun” (216,910). Going back through three previous censuses, all were called Pribumis (indigenous people) in 1980, all were called Kadazans in 1970, and all were called Dusuns in 1960 and all previous censuses. Who, we might ask, do they think they are?

For most people (multi-country English, Spanish and Arabic speakers to some extent excepted), language is the key ingredient of identity. Who we want to identify with has quite a lot to do with who we feel comfortable talking to, people who literally “speak our language”. But for much of the world that language has changed substantially over the last century. Nation-states typically seek to redefine identities by ensuring through a compulsory education system that every citizen speaks one standard “national” language. In the vast Indonesian (or Malay) Archipelago this has meant in the past half-century a process of imposing Malay, particularly in the two standardized forms now adopted as the national languages of Indonesia and Malaysia respectively. Of the hundreds of indigenous languages of this area, the great majority part of the large Austronesian family, most are now endangered. Javanese and Sundanese are in best shape with many millions of speakers and long established traditions of writing in a standardized form for printing presses. At the other extreme are most of the languages of Borneo, Sulawesi (Bugis and Makassarese being relatively populous exceptions), and the eastern islands, which still typically represent a continuum of differing dialects in each local community, with either no written tradition or a very recent one, and no modem printed or electronic media to perform a standardizing and popularizing role. Now being educated in Indonesian or Malaysian, these peoples increasingly speak even to each other in the national language.

Sabah’s Peoples

This is broadly the situation of Sabah. In the early years of this century its only languages which had been written down were the “exotic” ones – English, Malay and Chinese – and the only education available was in these languages. The dilemma of the KD (as I will now call the people in question in a studied attempt to avoid taking sides) throughout this century is whether they would join the modern urban educated world of competing nationalisms as a single people with a single written language, as two such peoples, or many, or as an assimilated part of the broader “Malay” identity which often (though with plenty of ambivalence) presents itself as the proper label for “indigenous” peoples within Malaysia.

Modern researchers have battled with “the unreliability of the nomenclature traditionally applied to the people of the area”,(1) but have had difficulty agreeing on satisfactory language-based labels, especially for the larger categories. All agree that the overwhelming majority of indigenous languages of the Sabah region and some neighbouring parts of Borneo form a distinct family, whose closest relatives are in the northern Philippines. D.J. Prentice, following a suggestion by G.N. Appell,(2) used the term Ida’an to refer to this family, subdivided into Dusunic (much the most populous), Murutic and Paitanic (in the northwest corner and Banggi Archipelago). Since Ida’an was already the label of a more specific language group in eastern Sabah this has been discarded as the inclusive term, but the most recent survey has substituted no better term than “Borneo stock”. The linguists for the moment have left us with what they now call (following the politicians) the Kadazan/Dusun language, with many dialects, within a larger Dusunic family of closely related languages (such as Rungus, Bisaya, Papar) which in turn sits within the broader stock of Sabah languages including the Murutic and Paitanic.(3) Although the overwhelming majority of KD political actors speak languages now called Dusunic, the scholars have not really resolved the multiple meanings of “Dusun”, or provided a neologism which politicians could use as a sign of the unity of the broader family.

……yep if you interested with this article, its available online. I couldn’t get the whole research yet, but i’ll keep it posted once i have it..:)

A very interesting entry from my cousin’s blog, about Being A Dusun.

Its about the marriage in Dusun culture, how it being celebrated traditionally.

Anyway, the panau ceremony is the first part of the Dusun traditional wedding. On the night that the two families had agreed upon, a group representing the groom would go to the bride’s house (the ‘mooi panau’ group), bearing the bridal dowry, that was a type of gong called ’sanang’. The groom himself was not allowed to come along. Upon their arrival, the bride’s family would close all doors and windows, and while they were doing that, the ‘mooi panau’ group leader must try to get the ‘tutuntung’ (i.e the thing used for beating the ’sanang’) inside the house. Their succeed to get the ‘tutuntung inside’ would ensure that they could come in and claim the bride. Otherwise, they would have to use their wits- find a hole or anything that would get the ‘tutuntung’ through. (My imagination sketches another scenario- they would have to beg, sing or something like that till they were let in:-))

Visit her blog for more, you will smile to imagine how your grandparents have their wedding

Download: Tambunan Dusun Origin Myth

Have you ever wondered how the generation way before us lives? How they socialize and the culture, even the history?

I found a cool documentation on Tambunan Dusun Origin Myth by Low Kok On ,Universiti Malaysia Sabah. This could help on maybe getting to know our culture origin and so on..

Tambunan is a district in the interior of Sabah, East Malaysia in Northern
Borneo (Map 1). The majority of the indigenous peoples residing here are
known as Tambunan Dusuns. Tambunan Dusuns belong to a Dusunic
family. In the early 20th century, the social structure of the Tambunan
Dusuns was based on seven sub-tribes, namely Tuwawon, Tagahas, Tibabar,
Bundu, Gunnah, Palupuh and Kohub. Three out of the seven sub-tribes, i.e.
Tuwawon, Tagahas and Tibabar are still residing in Tambunan district to
date.

Just sharing ….

Sumazau Dance

The Sumazau dance can be considered the state dance of Sabah. The arm gestures are likened to that of a bird and it floats gracefully at approximately shoulder level with gentle bending of the elbow and wrist or alternatively is swung gently like a pendulum, parallel at the sides of the body.

The costumes are authentically Kadazan and are usually black in colour and made of a velvet type material adorned with the appropriate accessories.

The music is provided by gongs of different size.

The dance can be slow and can be fast..Depends on the music..

Lets do the sumazau!

Maybe i was too young when my late grandma used to tell me about how the originally marriage in Dusun celebrated. I can’t remember any! But i remember she was telling me about it..hmmm…something wrong with my memories then ..

Unsatisfied, i google up info about Dusun Marriage, and here’s what i found!

Well anyone out there who can give more info, please feel free to put any comments here !

Marriages are typically monogamous, although polygynous marriage is permitted between older, wealthy males and younger females believed capable of producing healthy infants.

Dusun commonly prohibit marriage with any first or second cousin and view marriage with third cousins as distasteful. There is some freedom in choosing marriage partners, within limits set by Dusun culture. Following an arrangement to marry between a man and a woman, often made in secret, formal discussions concerning marriage are initiated by the man’s father, paternal grandfather, or a father’s brother with the woman’s father, paternal grandfather, or a father’s brother.

Marriage involves direct and substantial payment by a groom to the father of the bride. Marriages tend to be locally exogamous. Following marriage, couples routinely establish independent family households close to both their families, although a newly married couple may reside initially with the groom’s father and occasionally with the bride’s father while working to accumulate enough wealth to establish an independent household. Termination of marriage, other than through death of a spouse, requires initial arbitration by a community leader, then a formal hearing if the effort at reconciliation fails. A ritual fine may be required of an individual found to be at fault in the dissolution of a marriage.

Domestic Unit. The nuclear family is the minimal family unit occupying a household. Some relatives may be added to the nuclear family as the need arises to support them, particularly if they are aged, ill, or handicapped. These relatives are expected to assist in some way in the household unit.

Inheritance. The Dusun traditionally follow the general principle that all children should receive a fair share of the estates of their parents. A child who cares for an aged parent before death may receive some special additional consideration in property inheritance. A husband has little control over the property brought to a marriage by his wife. The Dusun have developed and use a traditional system for deciding complex questions concerning the distribution of property.

Socialization. Parents tend to share the care of infants and young children. Older siblings often care for infants and young children when parents are away from the household at work. The process of cultural transmission traditionally provides for a long period of freedom from most tasks for maturing children, with few restrictions on their behavior. Then, at about 11 or 12 years of age, children are expected to begin to participate in daily work activities and to be responsible members of their families and community. Prior to this age children are considered by parents to be naturally inclined to noisiness and illness, somewhat temperamental, easily offended, quick to forget, and prone to wandering away from home.

Dusun parents try to shape this nature through use of a wide variety of specific physical and verbal rewards and punishments. Because infants and young children are not viewed as competent humans until they reach about 11 or 12 years of age, they are not judged harshly or punished by parents when they misbehave.

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